The Americas | 75 million |
China | 100 – 150 million |
Indian subcontinent | 75 – 150 million |
Southwest Asia | 20 – 30 million |
Japan | 15 – 20 million |
Rest of Asia except USSR | 15 – 30 million |
Europe except USSR | 60 – 70 million |
USSR | 10 – 18 million |
North Africa | 6 – 12 million |
Rest of Africa | 30 – 60 million |
Oceania | 1 – 2 million |
Total | 407 – 617 million |
Census summary with Germany in Eastern Europe My revision with Germany in Northwest Europe
Northwest Europe | Eastern Europe | Northwest Europe | Eastern Europe | |
1900 | 4,202,683 | 4,136,646 | 6,866,101 | 1,471,389 |
1910 | 4,239,067 | 6,014,028 | 6,550,304 | 3,670,561 |
1920 | 3,830,094 | 6,134,845 | 5,516,202 | 4,443,453 |
Scholars and policy makers have usually relied on numbers for the foreign born presented as the census makers chose to summarize them. Thus, it can hardly be a surprise that they reached the erroneous conclusion that the country was being inundated by a horde of Eastern Europeans. It was not an accurate impression. One might even say it had been prejudiced by the census makers. A detailed quantitative study of the 1920 census material on foreign-born Americans and their children is Niles Carpenter, Immigrants and Their Children, US Bureau of the Census Monograph No. VII (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1927). Analyzed critically, Carpenter’s work supports the interpretation I make here, although it has always been used to support the other interpretation.
One hears echoes of the gendered quality of the anti-Chinese movement in the anti-Arab movement of the twenty-first century, not just in the United States but in Europe as well. Like the anti-Asianists of the nineteenth century, modern-day anti-Arabists do not even recognize their prejudice. Where once the cry of ostensibly concerned citizens was that “Chinese women are all prostitutes,” now one hears from well-meaning people that “Arab women [or Muslim] women are all brutally oppressed.” See, e.g., Mina Ahadi, Ich habe abgeschworen: Warum ich für die Freiheit und gegen den Islam kämpfe [I have Sworn: Why I Fight for Freedom and Against Islam] (Munich: Random House, 2008); Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Prey: Immigration, Islam, and the Erosion of Women’s Rights (New York: Harper, 2021); Christopher Caldwell, Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: Immigration, Islam, and the West (New York: Doubleday, 2009); Sara R. Farris, In the Name of Women’s Rights: The Rise of Femonationalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017); Necla Kelek, Die fremde Braut: Ein Bericht aus dem Inneren des türkischen Lebens in Deutschland [The Strange Bride: Report from Inside Turkish Life in Germany] (Munich: Random House, 2005). Even scholars lend some credence to this view (“on the one hand, but on the other”), e.g.: Anna C. Korteweg and Gökce Yurdakul, The Headscarf Debates: Conflicts of National Belonging (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014); Dominic McGoldrick, Human Rights and Religion: The Islamic Headscarf Debate in Europe (Oxford, UK: Hart, 2005); Beverly M. Weber, Violence and Gender in the “New” Europe: Islam in German Culture (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).
Most Arab and Muslim women in the US and Europe would beg to differ, but their voices go largely unheard. See Rabab Abdulhadi, Evelyn Alsultany, and Nadine Naber, eds., Arab and Arab American Feminisms: Gender, Violence, and Belonging (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2011); Lila Abu-Lughod, Do Muslim Women Need Saving? (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013); Leila Ahmed, A Quiet Revolution: The Veil’s Resurgence from the Middle East to America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011); Farideh Akashe-Böhme, Die islamische Frau ist anders: Vorurteile und Realitäten [The Islamic Woman is Different; Prejudices and Realities] (Gütersloh: Gütersloh Verlaghaus, 1997); Nada Elia, “The ‘White’ Sheep of the Family: But Bleaching Is Like Starvation,” in This Bridge We Call Home, ed. Gloria E. Anzaldúa and Analouise Keating (New York: Routledge, 2002), 223-31; John L. Esposito and Dalia Mogahed, Who Speaks for Islam? What a Billion Muslims Really Think (New York: Gallup Press, 2007); Jennifer Kawaja, director Under One Sky: Arab Women in North America Talk About the Hijab (Montreal: National Film Board of Canada, 2000); Kathleen Moore, “The Hijab and Religious Liberty: Anti-Discrimination Law and Muslim Women in the United States,” in Muslims on the Americanization Path?, ed. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and John L. Esposito (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998), 129-58; Michael W. Suleiman, Suad Joseph, and Louise Cainkar, eds., Arab American Women: Representation and Refusal (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2021); Margaretha A. van Es, Stereotypes and Self-Representations of Women with a Muslim Background: The Stigma of Being Oppressed (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016).
A book on Japanese Americans in Chicago, taken together with a comment on that book by another scholar, brings up an issue that has come relevance here. Jacalyn Harden, an African American anthropologist, spoke of Japanese Americans’ “vexed position as sometimes ‘colored,’ sometimes white (for example, the Japanese American soldier who was instructed to use the white washrooms at boot camp in Alabama during World War II, while thousands were being relocated to internment camps).” To which an African American historian responded: “Well, racialization is unevenly deployed, isn’t it? What’s the Jim Crow etiquette in a situation like that? Offend the White pissers by making them expose themselves to a Chinaman? Or offend the Chinaman who is clearly not friend, but not necessarily foe, by making him piss with Blacks? Individual cases mean very little, of course. If they put up a sign on the Negro restroom that said ‘Niggers and Japs’—now that would mean something. But no, I don’t think getting to pee with White men makes you White, any more than getting lynched like a Black man makes you Black.” The first quote is from Jacalyn D. Harden, Double Cross: Japanese Americans in Black and White Chicago (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003): dust cover. The second person asked to remain anonymous; the analysis came in a private communication with Paul Spickard, February 27, 2004.
The fantasy of American exceptionalism is apparent in the pronouncements of President George W. Bush in November 2005. Wire services reported: “President Bush vigorously defended U.S. interrogation practices in the war on terror Monday and lobbied against a congressional drive to outlaw torture. . . . ‘Any activity we conduct is within the law.” That is, because they were Americans, what they were doing was not torture. “Bush Defends Detainee Policy,” CNN.com (November 7, 2005). The ultimate absurdity in the dream of American exemption from the ways of human history is on view in Francis Fukuyama’s wildly successful 1992 book, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press). See Godfrey Hodgson, The Myth of American Exceptionalism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009); Jeffrey D. Sachs, A New Foreign Policy: Beyond American Exceptionalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2018); Donald E. Pease, The New American Exceptionalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009).
Mine eyes have seen the orgy of the launching of the Sword;
He is searching out the hoardings where the stranger’s wealth is stored;
He hath loosed his fateful lightnings, and with woe and death has scored;
His lust is marching on.
I have seen him in the watch-fires of a hundred circling camps.
They have builded him an altar in the Eastern dews and damps;
I have read his doomful mission by the dim and flaring lamps;
His night is marching on.
I have read his bandit gospel writ in burnished rows of steel;
“As ye deal with my pretensions, so with you my wrath shall deal”;
Let the faithless son of Freedom crush the patriot with his heel;
Lo, Greed is marching on!
We have legalized the strumpet and are guarding her retreat;
Greed is seeking out commercial souls before his judgment seat;
O, be swift, ye clods, to answer him! be jubilant my feet!
Our god is marching on!
In a sordid slime harmonious, Greed was born in yonder ditch,
With a longing in his bosom—and for others’ goods an itch—
As Christ died to make men holy, let men die to make us rich—
Our god is marching on.
Mark Twain, A Pen Warmed-Up in Hell: Mark Twain in Protest, ed. F. Anderson (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), 4.
Analytical treatments include: Richard D. Alba, Italian Americans (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1985); John J. Bukowczyk, An My Children Did Not Know Me (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987); Niles Carpenter, Immigrants and Their Children, 1920 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1917); Mary Yu Danico, The 1.5 Generation: Becoming Korean American in Hawai`i (Honolulu: University of Hawai`i Press, 2004); Mario T. García, Mexican Americans: Leadership, Ideology and Identity, 1930-1960 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1989); Bill Hosokawa, Nisei: The Quiet Americans (New York: Morrow, 1969); Harry H. L. Kitano, Japanese Americans, 2nd ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1976); Shelley Sang-Hee Lee, Claiming the Oriental Gateway: Prewar Seattle and Japanese Americans (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010); Karen Isaaksen Leonard, Making Ethnic Choices: California’s Punjabi Mexican Americans (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992): Daisuke Kitagawa, Issei and Nisei (New York: Seabury, 1967); Lon Kurashige, Japanese American Celebration and Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Timothy J. Meagher, Inventing Irish America: Generation, Class, and Ethnic Identity in a New England City, 1880-1928 (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2001); Deborah Dash Moore, At Home in America: Second Generation New York Jews (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981); Alejandro Portes and Rubén G. Rumbaut, Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001); George J. Sánchez, Becoming Mexican American (New York: Oxford, 1993); George J. Sánchez, Boyle Heights: How a Los Angeles Neighborhood Became the Future of American Democracy (Oakland: University of California Press, 2021); Miri Song, Helping Out: Children’s Labor in Ethnic Businesses (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999); Paul Spickard, “The Nisei Assume Power: The Japanese American Citizens League, 1941-1942,” Pacific Historical Review, 52 (1983), 147-74; Everett V. Stonequist, The Marginal Man: A Study in Personality and Culture Conflict (New York: Scribner’s, 1937), 96-106; Edward K. Strong, The Second-Generation Japanese Problem (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1934); W. Lloyd Warner, J. O. Low, Paul S. Lunt, and Leo Srole, Yankee City, abr. ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963), 425; Judy Yung, Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
1930 | 52,774 |
1940 | 69,967 |
1950 | 301,375 |
1960 | 887,661 |
1970 | 1,391,463 |
1980 | 2,013,945 |
1990 | 2,651,815 |
Sánchez Korrol, From Colonia to Community, 213, 216.
—The Progressive Party advocates the right of the foreign born to obtain citizenship without discrimination.
—The Progressive Party advocates the repeal of discriminatory immigration laws based upon race, national origin, religion, or political belief.
—The Progressive Party recognizes the just claims of Japanese Americans for indemnity for the losses suffered during their wartime internment, which was an outrageous violation of fundamental concepts of justice.
—The Progressive Party supports legislation facilitating naturalization of Filipinos, Koreans, Japanese, Chinese, and other national groups now discriminated against by law.
Campaign Handbook of the Progressive Party (New York: Progressive Party National Headquarters, 1948), reprinted in US Immigration and Naturalization Laws and Issues, ed. LeMay and Barkan, 216.
On Korean international adoptions in this period, moving personal expressions can be found in: Tanya Bishoff and Jo Rankin, eds., Seeds from a Silent Tree: An Anthology By Korean Adoptees (Glendale, Calif.: Pandal Press, 1997); Thomas Park Clement, The Unforgotten War (published by the author, 1998); Susan Soon-Keum Cox, Voices from Another Place (St. Paul: Yeong and Yeong, 1999); Sara Dorow, ed., I Wish for You a Beautiful Life: Letters from the Korean Birth Mothers of Ae Ran Won to Their Children (St. Paul: Yeong and Yeong, 1999); Heinz Insu Fenkl, Memories of My Ghost Brother (New York: Dutton, 1996); Elizabeth Kim, Ten Thousand Sorrows (New York: Doubleday, 2000); Jane Jeong Trenka, The Language of Blood (St. Paul, Minn.: Borealis Books, 2003); Nicole Chung, All You Can Ever Know (New York: Catapult, 2018).
a. Sources on Vietnamese immigrants include: Thi Bui, The Best We Could Do (New York: Abrams Comic Arts, 2017); Sucheng Chan, The Vietnamese American 1.5 Generation (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2006); Duong Van Mai Elliott, The Sacred Willow: Four Generations in the Life of a Vietnamese Family (New York: Oxford, 1999); Yen Le Espiritu, Body Counts: The Vietnamese War and Militarized Refuge(es) (Oakland: University of California Press, 2014); James M. Freeman, Changing Identities: Vietnamese Americans, 1975-1995 (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1995); Freeman, Hearts of Sorrow: Vietnamese-American Lives (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1989); Freeman and Nguyen Dinh Huu, Voices from the Camps: Vietnamese Children Seeking Asylum (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003); Bruce Grant, The Boat People (New York: Penguin, 1979); Le Ly Hayslip, When Heaven and Earth Changed Places (New York: Doubleday, 1989); Nazli Kibria, Family Tightrope: The Changing Lives of Vietnamese Americans (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993); Patrick Du Phuoc Long and Laura Ricard, The Dream Shattered: Vietnamese Gangs in America (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1996); Robert S. McKelvey, A Gift of Barbed Wire: America’s Allies Abandoned in South Vietnam (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002); Paul James Rutledge, The Vietnamese Experience in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992); Allison J. Truitt, Pure Land in the Making: Vietnamese Buddhism in the US Gulf South (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2021); Nguyen Van Vu and Bob Pittman, At Home in America (Nashville: Broadman, 1979); Min Zhou and Carl L. Bankston III, Growing Up American: How Vietnamese Children Adapt to Life in the United States (New York: Russell Sage, 1998).
a. Sources on other Southeast Asian peoples in the US and elsewhere in diaspora include: Mary Beth Mills, Thai Women in the Global Labor Force (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2009); Mark Padoongpatt, Flavors of Empire: Food and the Making of Thai America (Oakland: University of California Press, 2017); Pascal Khoo Thwe, From the Land of Green Ghosts (London: HarperCollins, 2003); Chia Youyee Vang, et al., Invisible Newcomers: Refugees from Burma/Myanmar and Bhutan in the United States (Washington, DC: Asian and Pacific Islander American Scholarship Fund, 2014).
It is worth noting that many of the issues and trends described in this section for continental Native peoples had parallels in the same period for Native Hawaiians. See Moanike‘ala Akaka, et al., Na Wahine Koa: Hawaiian Women for Sovereignty and Demilitarization (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2018); Candace Fujikane and Jonathan Okamura, eds., Asian Settler Colonialism: From Local Governance to the Habits of Everyday Life (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2008); Michael Kioni Dudley and Keoni Kealoha Agard, A Call for Hawaiian Sovereignty (Honolulu: Na Kane O Ka Malu Press, 1993); Noelani Goodyear-Ka‘opua, et al., eds., A Nation Rising: Hawaiian Movements for Life, Land, and Sovereignty (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014); George H. S. Kanahele, Ku Kanaka: Stand Tall: A Search for Hawaiian Values (Honolulu: University of Hawai`i Press, 1986); J. Kehaulani Kauanui, Hawaiian Blood: Colonialism and the Politics of Sovereignty and Indigeneity (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2008); J. Kehaulani Kauanui, Paradoxes of Hawaiian Sovereignty: Land, Sex, and the Colonial Politics of State Nationalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2018); Poka Laenui, Another View on Hawaiian Sovereignty and Self-Determination (Waianae, Hawai‘i: privately printed, 1994); Davianna Pomaika‘i McGregor, “Recognizing Native Hawaiians: A Quest for Sovereignty,” in Pacific Diaspora, ed. Paul Spickard, Joanne Rondilla, and Debbie Hippolite Wright (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2002), 331-54; Jonathan Kamakawiwo`ole Osorio, “‘What Kine Hawaiian Are You?’ A Mo`olelo about Nationhood, Race, History, and the Contemporary Sovereignty Movement in Hawai‘i,” Contemporary Pacific, 13.2 (2002), 359-79; Haunani-Kay Trask, From a Native Daughter: Colonialism and Sovereignty in Hawai‘i (Monroe, Me.: Common Courage Press, 1993); Thurston Twigg-Smith, Hawaiian Sovereignty: Do the Facts Matter? (Honolulu: Goodale, 1998).
For correctives, see Derrick Bell, Faces at the Bottom of the Well: The Permanence of Racism (New York: Basic Books, 1992); Stephen L. Carter, Reflections of an Affirmative Action Baby (New York: Basic, 1991); Cornel West, Race Matters (New York: Vintage, 1994).
At the other end of the spectrum, one example among many of White studies as blatant Negrophobia is Jim Goad, Whiteness: The Original Sin (Stone Mountain, GA: Obnoxious Books, 2018).
To be fair, one must admit that some Americans welcomed immigrants from all places. See, e.g., Susan E. Eaton, Integration Nation: Immigrants, Refugees, and America at Its Best (New York: New Press, 2016); Matthew Soerens and Jenny Yang, Welcoming the Stranger: Justice, Compassion, and Truth in the Immigration Debate, 2nd ed. (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2018).
Analytical accounts include Neil Gotanda, “Comparative Racialization: Racial Profiling and the Case of Wen Ho Lee,” UCLA Law Review, 47 (2000), 1689-1703; Dan Stober and Ian Hoffman, A Convenient Spy: Wen Ho Lee and the Politics of Nuclear Espionage (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001); Spencer K. Turnbull, “Wen Ho Lee and the Consequences of Enduring Asian American Stereotyped,” in Asian American Politics, ed. Don T. Nakanishi and James S. Lai (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003), 303-16; Cheuk-Yin Wong, “The Los Alemos Incident and Its Effects on Chinese American Scientists,” in Chinese American Voices, ed. Judy Ung, Gordon Chang, and Him Mark Lai (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 416-22; Frank H. Wu, “Profiling Principle: The Prosecution of Wen Ho Lee and the Defense of Asian Americans,” in Asian American Politics, ed. Nakanishi and Lai, 297-301.
Other journalistic accounts include: Angela Oh, “Spy Charges Fueled Search for Scapegoats,” Los Angeles Times (June 21, 1999); “FBI Made Wen Ho Lee Think He Failed Polygraph,” Washington Post (January 8, 2000); James Glanz, “Asian-American Scholars Call for Boycott of Labs,” New York Times (May 31, 2000); Bob Pool, “Rally Denounces Charges in Spy Case,” Los Angeles Times (June 9, 2000); James Glanz, “Fallout in Arms Research: Amid Race Profiling Claims, Asian-Americans Avoid Labs,” New York Times (July 16, 2000); James Sterngold, “Defense Argues Ethnicity Made Scientist a Suspect,” New York Times (August 16, 2000); James Sterngold, “Agent Concedes Faulty Testimony in Secrets Case,” New York Times (August 18, 2000); Bob Drogin, “Science Academies Decry Lee’s Treatment,” Los Angeles Times (September 1, 2000); Bob Drogin, “Scientist to Accept Plea Deal; Likely to Be Freed Today,” Los Angeles Times (September 11, 2000); Bob Drogin, “How FBI’s Flawed Case Against Lee Unraveled,” Los Angeles Times (September 13, 2000); Bob Drogin, “Wen Ho Lee Freed; Judge Scolds US Over Case Tactics,” Los Angeles Times (September 14, 2000); “A Case of Shame,” editorial, Los Angeles Times (September 14, 2000); Robert L. Jackson, “Clinton Criticizes Justice Dept. Over Wen Ho Lee Case,” Los Angeles Times (September 15, 2000); Gish Jen, “Wen Ho Lee, Still Not So Very Free,” New York Times (September 15, 2000); Anthony Lewis, “It Did Happen Here,” New York Times (September 16, 2000); James Sterngold, “Asian-Americans Demanding Bias Inquiry in Scientist’s Case,” New York Times (September 18, 2000); Michael Isikoff, “Into the Sunshine,” Newsweek (September 25, 2000); Bob Drogin and Eric Lichtblau, “Reno, Freeh Insist Wen Ho Lee Posed ‘Great Risk’ to US,” Los Angeles Times (September 27, 2000); Matthew Purdy, “The Making of a Suspect: The Case of Wen Ho Lee,” New York Times (February 4, 2001); Matthew Purdy, with James Sterngold, “The Prosecution Unravels,” New York Times (February 5, 2001); Michael Isikoff, “The Lee Case: A Damning Report,” Newsweek (August 27, 2001); Adam Liptak, “Scientist, News Media Settle Suit on Privacy,” New York Times (June 3, 2006).
On the extralegal prison at Guantanamo Bay, see: Laurel E. Fletcher, et al., The Guantanamo Effect: Exposing the Consequences of US Detention and Interrogation Practice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009); Peter Jan Honigsberg, A Place Outside the Laws: Forgotten Voices from Guantanamo (Boston: Beacon, 2019); Joseph Margulies, Guantanamo and the Abuse of Presidential Power (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2006).
On individual countries cited: Azeem Ibrahim, The Rohingyas: Inside Myanmar’s Genocide, rev. ed. (London: Hurst, 2018); Francis Wade, Myanmar’s Enemy Within: Buddhist Violence and the Making of a Muslim ‘Other’, 2nd ed. (London: Zed, 2019); Pal Lendvai, Orbán: Europe’s New Strongman (London: Hurst, 2019; Attila Antal, The Rise of Hungarian Populism: State Autocracy and the Orbán Regime (Bingley, UK: Emerald Publishing, 2019); Christophe Jaffrelot, Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021); Parvis Ghassem-Fachandi, Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012); Sean R. Roberts, The War on the Uyghurs: China’s Internal Campaign against a Muslim Minority (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2020); Abdulhakim Idris, Menace: China’s Colonization of the Islamic World and Uyghur Genocide (Washington, DC: Center for Uyghur Studies, 2020); Richard Lapper, Beef, Bible and Bullets: Brazil in the Age of Bolsonaro (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2021); Eyal Weizman, Hollow Land: Israel’s Architecture of Occupation (London: Verso, 2012); Ilan Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford, UK: Oneworld, 2006); Edward W. Said, “Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Victims,” Social Text, no. 1 (Winter 1979): 7-58; Ella Shohat, “Sephardim in Israel: Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Jewish Victims,” Social Text, no. 19/20 (Autumn 1988): 1-35; Edward Edy Kaufman, “Raising Racism and Ethnocentrism in Israel and the United States: A Clear and Present Danger,” Tikkun (September 5, 2019); Michel Eltchaninoff, Inside the Mind of Marine Le Pen (London: Hurst, 2018); Koen Vossen, The Power of Populism: Geert Wilders and the Party for Freedom in the Netherlands (New York: Routledge, 2016); Thomas Klikauer, Alternative für Deutschland: The AFD: Germany’s New Nazis or Another Populist Party? (Brighton, UK: Sussex Academic Press, 2020); Jay Julian Rosellini, The German New Right: AFD, PEGIDA and the Re-Imagining of National Identity (London: Hurst, 2019).
On the rise of nativism elsewhere: Steven Erlanger and Katrin Bennhold, “For Europe, Cutting the Flow of Migrants Challenges Basic Ideals,” New York Times (July 5, 2018); Steven Erlanger and James Kanter, “Austria’s Rightward Lurch Is Europe’s New Normal,” New York Times (October 16, 2017); Editorial Board, “Austria’s Welcome to a Party With a Nazi Past,” New York Times (December 20, 2017); Stephanie Malia Hom, Empire’s Mobius Strip: Historical Echoes in Italy’s Crisis of Migration and Detention (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019); Marci Shore, “Poland Digs Itself a Memory Hole,” New York Times (February 4, 2018); J. M. Coetzee, “Australia’s Shame,” New York Review of Books (September 26, 2019); Max Fisher and Amanda Taub, “Trump’s Immigration Approach Isn’t New: Europe and Australia Went First,” New York Times (July 18, 2019).
On the monomaniacal mastermind Stephen Miller, see: Michael Edison Hayden, “Stephen Miller’s Affinity for White Nationalism Revealed in Leaked Emails,” Southern Poverty Law Center: Hatewatch (November 12, 2019); Katie Rogers, “Before Joining White House, Stephen Miller Pushed White Nationalist Theories,” New York Times (November 13, 2019); Jamelle Bouie, “Stephen Miller’s Sinister Syllabus,” New York Times (November 15, 2019); Adam Serwer, “Trump’s White-Nationalist Vanguard,” The Atlantic (November 19, 2019); Jonathan Blitzer, “How Stephen Miller Manipulates Donald Trump to Further His Immigration Obsession,” New Yorker (February 21, 2020); Jean Guerrero, “Stephen Miller’s Dystopian America,” New York Times (August 28, 2020); Jean Guerrero, Hate Monger: Stephen Miller, Donald Trump, and the White Nationalist Agenda (New York: Morrow, 2020); Kelly Vlamis, “A Former Pence Adviser Said Trump Had 4 Years to Help Afghan Allies Leave the Country but Stephen Miller’s ‘Racist Hysteria’ Blocked It from Happening,” Business Insider (August 20, 2021).
It should be noted that just as it was White men who stepped in who died in the Portland stabbing, sometimes anti-Muslim violence hit other targets, such as Sikh men wearing turbans. Brittny Mejia, “Attack on Bus Driver Fits a Recent Pattern: Sikh Men Around the Country are Being Mistaken for Muslims and Assaulted,” Los Angeles Times, (January 16, 2016); Sarah Parvini, “A ‘Growing Wave of Hostility’ Faces Sikhs,” Los Angeles Times June 11, 2017.
The Trump administration erected lots of other petty measures to discourage immigrants, enable racism, or simply punish people of color: Manuel Pastor, “Trump’s Latest Anti-Immigrant Move: Making It Far More Costly to Apply for Citizenship,” Los Angeles Times (November 19, 2019); Katie Benner, “Justice Dept. Establishes Office to Denaturalize Immigrants,” New York Times (February 26, 2020); Michael D. Shear, et al., “Trump Halts New Green Cards, but Backs Off Broader Immigration Ban,” New York Times (April 21, 2020); Josh Dawsey and Jeff Stein, “White House Directs Federal Agencies to Cancel Race-Related Training Sessions It Calls ‘Un-American Propaganda’,” Washington Post (September 5, 2020); Dave Jamieson, “Trump Administration Moves to Freeze Wages For Farmworkers Before Leaving Office,” Huffpost (November 9, 2020); Simon Romero and Miriam Jordan, “New US Citizenship Test Is Longer and More Difficult,” New York Times (December 3, 2020).
For continuing separations and attempts at reunions in the Biden era, see: Molly Hennessy-Fiske, “Family. Separations Persist with Biden,” Los Angeles Times (May 3, 2021); Richard Read, “A ‘Heartbreaking’ Split at the Northern Border,” Los Angeles Times (May 10, 2021); Elliot Spagat, “US to Start Reuniting Some Families Separated at Mexico Border,” Los Angeles Times (May 3, 2021); Molly O’Toole, US to Start Reuniting Some Families,” Los Angeles Times (May 4, 2021).
Regarding the final point, a July 2019 Quinnipiac poll found that 31 percent of Americans thought it was better “to keep all undocumented immigrants in detention centers, even if it causes overcrowding and bad conditions” than to let them be free even under supervision; Quinnipiac University, “Trump Is Racist, Half Of U.S. Voters Say, Quinnipiac University National Poll Finds; But Voters Say Almost 2-1 Don’t Impeach President” (July 30, 2019) https://poll.qu.edu/national/release-detail?ReleaseID=3636.
On the 1776 Commission, President Trump’s attempt to take US history teaching back to the White nationalist self-celebratory curriculum of the 1920s, or perhaps back to Parson Weems, see: President’s Advisory 1776 Commission, The 1776 Report (Washington: The White House, 2021); Robyn Autry, “Trump’s ‘1776 Commission’ Tried to Rewrite History. Biden Had Other Ideas,” NBC News (January 21, 2021); “Trump Announces ‘Patriotic Education’ Commission, a Largely Political Move,” NPR (September 17, 2020); Sarah Ruiz-Grossman, "Trump Administration's '1776 Report' Justifies Slavery, Three-Fifths Compromise," HuffPost (January 18, 2021); Valerie Strauss, "That didn't take long: Biden removes Trump's '1776 Report' on US history from White House website," Washington Post (January 22, 2021).
Critical Race Theory (CRT) is not and has never been taught in K-12 schools. Any argument to the contrary is utterly bogus. CRT is a graduate-level analytical orientation, not a curriculum, begun in legal studies, that asks, not “What does a law say?,” but “What is its impact?,” particularly its impact on different racial groups, and thereby uncovers unarticulated racial biases, in the law, in our social structures, and in our very language. The people who mounted a campaign against CRT were really complaining about anyone ever teaching any student about slavery, genocide of Native Americans, making war on Mexico, the Ku Klux Klan, Jim Crow segregation, concentration camps for Japanese Americans, or the Civil Rights movement. See: Kimberlé Crenshaw, et al., eds., Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement (New York: New Press, 1996); Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, Critical Race Theory: An Introduction, 3rd ed. (New York: NYU Press, 2017); Derrick Bell, Faces at the Bottom of the Well: The Permanence of Racism (New York: Basic Books, 1992); Robert Miles, Racism After ‘Race Relations’ (New York: Routledge, 1993); Dorothy Roberts, Fatal Invention: How Science, Politics, and Big Business Re-Create Race in the Twenty-First Century (New York: New Press, 2011); Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York: New Press, 2012); Ta-Nehisi Coates, Between the World and Me (New York: Spiegel and Grau, 2015); Paul Spickard, Race in Mind: Critical Essays (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2015); Michael Eric Dyson, Tears We Cannot Stop: A Sermon to White America (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2017); Robin DiAngelo, White Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism (Boston: Beacon Press, 2018); Ibram X. Kendi, How to Be an Antiracist (New York: Random House, 2019). For the current (2021) artificial CRT controversy, see, e.g.: Caitlin O’Kane, “Nearly a dozen states want to ban critical race theory in schools,” CBS News (May 20, 2021); Adrian Florido, “Teachers Say Laws Banning Critical Race Theory are Putting a Chill On Their Lessons,” NPR (May 28, 2021); Colleen Flaherty, “Legislating Against Critical Race Theory,” Inside Higher Ed (June 9, 2021).
Virginia headright system encourages importing slaves, servants, other immigrants.
Massachusetts allows citizenship after one year of residence for “all Protestants of foreign nations.”
British Parliament passes Plantation Act to regularize naturalization and citizenship and encourage immigration to American colonies.
Constitution enshrines slavery and counts each slave as three-fifths of a person for apportionment.
Naturalization Act restricts citizenship to “free white persons” who reside in the US for five years and renounce their allegiance to their former country.
Alien and Sedition Acts permit the president to deport any foreigner deemed to be dangerous.
Revised Naturalization Act imposes a 14-year residency requirement for prospective citizens.
Congress reduces the residency requirement for citizenship to five years.
Louisiana Purchase.
Congress outlaws bringing slaves into US.
US government begins to count immigrants as the arrive.
US government creates Office of Indian Affairs within War Department.
Congress passes Indian Removal Act.
Supreme Court recognizes Indian tribes as “domestic dependent nations” with retained sovereignty.
Removal of the Five Civilized Tribes from the Southeast to Indian Territory.
Americans in Texas make war and seize Texas.
US fights war of aggression against Mexico.
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo extends US citizenship to perhaps as many as 80,000 Mexican citizens of conquered territory.
US Supreme Court in Passenger Cases outlaws state taxes on immigrants, saying the right to regulate immigration is reserved to the Congress.
Know-Nothing Party fails to raise naturalization restrictions.
In People v. Hall California Supreme Court prohibits Chinese immigrants from testifying in California courts against White people.
In Gadsden Purchase, US acquires southern parts of New Mexico, Arizona, and California.
Castle Garden immigration station opens in New York.
Homestead Act grants up to 160 acres of free land to settlers who build on the land they claim and live there for five years. This attracts immigrants. Limited to US citizens and people who are eligible for naturalization and declare their intention to be naturalized—i.e. Whites.
Congress legalizing importing contract laborers.
Thirteenth Amendment outlaws slavery.
Fourteenth Amendment ensures citizenship rights for former slaves, effectively amending “free white persons’ clause.
Fifteenth amendment makes it unconstitutional to deny someone the right to vote on account of race.
Naturalization Act limits citizenship to “white persons and persons of African descent.”
Congress prohibits army officers from holding post of Indian agent. President Grant gives control of Indian agencies to Christian missionary denominations.
California State Supreme Court case People v. De la Guerra affirms citizenship of Mexican Americans
Congress declares that no further Indian treaties will be concluded.
Page Law bars some Asian women, sets up the arguments for Chinese exclusion, and bars prostitutes and convicts.
Court decision affirms Congressional supremacy over states in supervising immigration.
In In re Ah Yup, federal district court in California rules Chinese are not White and therefore not entitled to naturalization.
Chinese Exclusion Act bars admission of Chinese laborers (allowing entry by merchants, students, tourists) for ten years and declares Chinese immigrants ineligible to US naturalization. Passes over presidential veto.
Immigration Act places 50-cent tax on each immigrant entry and makes several categories of people ineligible to enter: “lunatics,” people likely to become public charges, convicts. Authorizes Treasury Department to contract with states to process immigrants.
Alien Contract Labor Law prohibits any company or individual from bringing foreigners into the US under contract to perform labor. Exceptions: domestic servants; skilled workers who are needed to help establish a new trade or industry.
In Yick Wo v. Hopkins, US Supreme Court invalidates a San Francisco law that discriminates against Chinese laundry workers, saying it is illegal under the fourteenth Amendment for state of local governments to deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process—makes no distinction between non-citizens and citizens.
Statue of Liberty dedicated.
Dawes or General Allotment Act provides for breakup of Native American tribes and lands, with allotments to individuals, who are then eligible to become US citizens after a twenty-five-year trust period.
Scott Act expands the Chinese Exclusion Act by rescinding re-entry permits for Chinese laborers and prohibits their return. Supreme Court affirms it in 1889.
Last Pennsylvania German-language public school closes.
Castle Garden immigration station closes.
Congress establishes comprehensive federal control over immigration, including Bureau of Immigration under Treasury Department to administer immigration laws. Bars “persons suffering from a loathsome or a dangerous contagious disease,” felons, polygamists, and persons guilty of “moral turpitude.” Empowers BI to deport persons unlawfully entering.
Chinese Exclusion Act renewed for another ten years.
Ellis Island immigration station opens.
American in Hawai‘i overthrow the government, imprison the Queen, and proclaim a republic.
Congress establishes Bureau of Immigration within Treasury Department.
US Supreme Court decides in Plessy v. Ferguson that racial segregation is lawful.
A West Texas federal court decides in In re Rodriguez that the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo did grant US citizenship rights to Mexican Americans and naturalization rights to Mexican immigrants, even though they might not be considered “White.”
President Cleveland vetoes literacy test for immigration.
United States v. Wong Kim Ark. US Supreme Court finds that children of Chinese immigrants are US citizens on basis of being born in the US, despite their parents being aliens ineligible to citizenship.
US seizes the Philippines, Guam, Puerto Rico, and Hawai‘i.
Organic Act extends US law, including bars on Chinese immigration and on contract labor, to Hawai‘i.
President William McKinley is assassinated by a Polish anarchist. Congress passes the Anarchist Exclusion Act, which allows immigrants to be excluded based on their political opinions.
Chinese Exclusion Act renewed for another ten years.
Bureau of Immigration is placed under Department of Commerce and Labor. Congress recodifies existing immigration laws, toughens deportation powers, and bars anarchists, subversives, polygamists, and epileptics.
Chinese Exclusion Act made permanent.
Naturalization Act systematizes application for naturalized citizenship and makes speaking knowledge of English a requirement.
Expatriation Act means that an American woman who marries a foreign national loses her US citizenship. An American woman who marries an Asian citizen becomes an “alien ineligible to citizenship.”
Added to the excluded list: children unaccompanied by their parents, tuberculosis patients, people with mental or physical defect likely to affect their ability to earn a living.
Congress appoints Dillingham Immigration Commission.
Gentlemen’s Agreement. Japan agrees to stop letting laborers emigrate to US.
In re Halladjian court concludes that Armenians are White.
White Slave Traffic Act forbids importation of women for “immoral purposes.”
Angel Island Immigration Station opens in San Francisco Bay.
US Immigration (Dillingham) Commission publishes 42-volume report saying immigration is damaging the nation and calling for restriction of immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe.
California passes Alien Land Law prohibiting “aliens ineligible to citizenship” from owning land. Other states follow: Arizona in 1917, Louisiana and Washington in 1921, New Mexico in 1922, Idaho, Montana, and Oregon in 1923, Kansas in 1925, and Arkansas, Utah, and Wyoming during World War II.
Americanization/100 Percentism campaign begins under joint government-business sponsorship. Its perceived failure contributes to anti-immigrant moves of 1920s.
In Dow v. United States, South Carolina federal district court decides that Syrians, hence most Arabs, are White people, and therefore entitled to naturalization.
Immigration Act requires literacy test (in some language) for admission—over President Wilson’s veto. Creates Asiatic Barred Zone (everything except Philippines and Japan) from which immigration is barred.
State and Labor Departments issue order that requires passports of all non-citizens who seek to enter the US and visas issued by State Dept. officials abroad rather than by immigration officials at port of entry.
Puerto Ricans are granted US citizenship.
Congress gives President broad authority to forbid entry or departure of non-citizens during wartime. Similar powers are asserted in subsequent wars.
Congress grants citizenship to World War I Native American veterans.
In Red Scare, some radical non-citizens are deported.
California strengthens provisions of Alien Land Law, barring aliens ineligible to citizenship (i.e. Asians) from leasing land or purchasing it in the names of minor, US citizen children.
Quota Act limits annual immigration to 3 percent of foreign born of each nationality in the United States in 1910. Imposes annual ceiling of 350,000 quota admissions: 55 percent from Northern and Western Europe, 45 percent from other countries (nearly all Southern and Eastern European). New selective measures to allow non-quota or unlimited admissions of immediate relatives of US citizens and immigrants from Western Hemisphere.
Takao Ozawa v. United States. US Supreme Court rules that Ozawa is not entitled to US citizenship because he was born in Japan, despite being raised in US and in every way a model candidate.
Cable Act partially repeals Expatriation Act: for most women, their citizenship was now independent of their husbands and they could regain US citizenship by naturalization, but for American women who married Asian men, the law specified that their citizenship would still follow their husbands and they could not be naturalized.
United States v. Bhaghat Singh Thind US Supreme Court rules that Asian Indians are not eligible for naturalization on racial basis despite pseudoscientific racial placement as Aryans.
Johnson-Reed Act (Second Quota Act) limits immigration further, to 2 percent of the number of each nationality group who lived in the US in 1890. It lowers the total annual ceiling of quota immigrants to 165,000, increases the share of Northern and Western European potential immigrants to 86 percent (142,000), and decreases the share from Southern and Eastern Europe to 11 percent (18,000). It bars Asian immigration entirely (effective for Japanese and for foreign-born wives and children of US citizens of Chinese ancestry). Filipinos may still come outside the quota system because they are American “nationals”—from a US colony, no longer citizens of a foreign country. To take effect in 1927.
Congress grants citizenship to those Native Americans who had not already received it. Indians are able to vote in federal elections for the first time, though not in all state elections.
Border Patrol is established.
Johnson-Reed Act postponed to 1929.
National Origins Quota system goes into full effect, re-computing quotas to fit the composition of the US population in 1920; 83 percent (127,000) went to the Northern and Western European quota and 15 percent (23,000) to the Southern and Eastern European quota, with 2 percent (4,000) to other areas. Annual ceiling: 154,000.
Senate investigating committee finds systematic kidnapping of Navajo children, who are placed in boarding schools.
Immigration and Naturalization Service is formed, bringing together the functions of the Bureau of Immigration and the Bureau of Naturalization under the Department of Labor.
Tydings-McDuffie Act (Philippines Independence Act) provided for independence for the Philippines on July 4, 1946. Meanwhile, Filipinos lost their status as US nationals and were restricted to a token quota of 50 per year.
Mexican and Filipino forced repatriation.
Congress defeats refugee bill to accept 20,000 children from Nazi Germany, on grounds it would exceed German quota.
Smith Act (Alien Registration Act) requires all non-citizens over age 14 to be fingerprinted and broadens the grounds for deportation.
Angel Island Immigration Station burns to the ground. It is used to house prisoners of war.
President Franklin Roosevelt issues Executive Order 9066 authorizing the US Army to imprison 112,000 Japanese Americans, two-thirds of them US citizens and the rest ineligible to citizenship on racial grounds.
Filipinos are reclassified so they can register for the military. Thousands sign up.
Beginning of Bracero Program for Mexican laborers outside usual immigration controls. Also with Barbados, Jamaica, and British Honduras.
US government takes 900,000 acres of Indian lands for army facilities, gunnery ranges, nuclear testing, and Japanese American concentration camps.
All Native, Asian, and African American men are required to register for the draft, though many cannot vote.
Congress repeals Chinese exclusion and Chinese become eligible for naturalization. In 1944 a quota is set at 105 entries per year, not by people coming from China (as with other countries) but by ethnic Chinese coming from anywhere.
In Hirabayashi v. United States, US Supreme Court rules that curfews and detentions for Japanese Americans were constitutional on the ground of “military necessity.”
United States v. Korematsu upholds right of US government to intern Japanese Americans.
Ex Parte Mitsuye Endo, Supreme Court rules that internment program was an unconstitutional violation of the habeas corpus rights of US citizens of Japanese ancestry.
President Truman issues executive order permitting entry of 40,000 refugees and displaced persons.
War Brides Act allows US citizens who served in armed forces to bring home foreign-born wives. Aimed to facilitate marriages between US soldiers and European women, it also allows Chinese American soldiers to reunite their trans-Pacific families in the US.
Luce-Cellar Act allows Asian Indians and Filipinos to become naturalized and grants quota of 100 to each country.
Operation Bootstrap is launched in Puerto Rico. Thousands of Puerto Ricans are contracted to work in the mainland US.
Displaced Persons Act allows 202,000 refugees uprooted in wartime Europe to come in the next two years. Their numbers are counted against that year’s and future years’ quotas—effectively “quota mortgaging.”
Hoover Commission recommends termination of Indian tribes and integration of Native Americans as individual citizens.
Internal Security Act passed over President Truman’s veto. It bars admission (and provides grounds for deportation) of any foreign national who is a member of the Communist party or who might engage in activities “which would be prejudicial to the public interest, or would endanger the welfare or safety of the United States.” Non-citizens must report their address annually.
Congress amends Displaced Persons Act to raise total number of visas to 341,000.
McCarran-Walter Act passes over President Truman’s veto, reaffirming the national-origins quota system and setting the total annual immigration limit to one-sixth of one percent of the population of the continental US in 1920. Exempts spouses and children of US citizens and people born in the Western Hemisphere from quotas, and creates system of preferences within quotas for persons with needed occupations. Ends racial limits to immigration and naturalization, giving Japan a token quota of 100.
Refugee Relief Act provides 205,000 non-quota visas, ends quota mortgaging, and extends refugee status to non-Europeans.
President’s Commission on Immigration and Naturalization report Whom Shall We Welcome? calls for an end to the quota system.
Termination becomes official US Indian policy.
Operation Wetback removes one million Mexican immigrants from the Southwest amid numerous civil rights violations.
US begins to admit Hungarian refugees.
Ellis Island Immigration Station closes.
US begins to admit Cuban refugees.
Kennedy administration ends Indian termination policy.
The Bracero Program ends.
Hart-Cellar Act abolishes national origins quota system. Creates an Eastern Hemispher system of equal visa limits per country of 20,000 annually. Places first limits on Western Hemisphere immigration. Holds total limited admissions to 290,000 per year: 170,000 from Eastern Hemisphere and 120,000 from Western Hemisphere. Establishes admissions class not subject to limitation. Revises occupation-first, family-reunion-second preference system to put family reunion first and occupations second.
Afroyim v. Rusk Supreme Court holds that a person with dual citizenship does not lose his or her US citizenship by voting in a foreign election (in Israel in this case).
Indochinese Migration and Refugee Assistance Act creates program for resettling refugees from Vietnam and Cambodia.
Congress passes a law to include Laotians in Indochinese program.
Congress passes a law to apply Eastern Hemisphere 20,000 per country limit and extend the family preference system to Western Hemisphere.
Congress passes law to exclude and deport Nazi war criminals.
Congress merges Eastern and Western Hemispheres into 290,000 worldwide total.
Refugee Act places refugees outside quota system by removing “refugee” as a preference category (and so reduces the annual ceiling to 270,000 quota immigrants). Allows for 50,000 refugees per year—persons who have a “well-founded fear of persecution” on account of race, religion, nationality, or membership in a social or political movement—plus 5,000 asylum seekers.
Amerasian Act recognizes the potential American citizenship of children born to Vietnamese and other Southeast Asian women who had relations with US military men. The act does not make sufficient provision to bring them to the United States.
Federal court overturns World War II conviction of Fred Korematsu, ending justification for Japanese American internment.
Immigration Reform and Control Act provides amnesty for 3 million undocumented immigrants, allowing them to legalize their status, and provides punishments for employers who hire illegal immigrants.
Federal court overturns World War II conviction of Japanese American Gordon Hirabayashi for refusing internment.
Redress Act authorizes $20,000 per person token compensation for surviving Japanese Americans who were interned in World War II. Not immediately funded, but ultimately paid.
Amerasian Homecoming Act provides for children of US servicemen and their families to enter the United States from every country where US troops were stationed except Japan. Nearly 100,000 enter over next three years.
Immigration Act revises admissions system, creating an overall flexible cap of 700,000 persons starting in 1992, to drop to 675,000 in 1995. Restrictions on the basis of sexual orientation are eliminated. Provides for Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for migrants who cannot return to their country because of war, environmental disaster, or other temporary conditions. Ultimately TPS is granted to people from ten countries.
California voters pass Proposition 187, which prohibits providing public education, welfare, and health services to undocumented immigrants. It is later declared unconstitutional.
Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act embodies parts of California’s Proposition 187, denies all but emergency services to unauthorized immigrants, and makes citizenship a condition of eligibility for public benefits for most authorized immigrants.
Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act strengthens border enforcement, makes it more difficult to gain asylum, establishes income requirements for sponsors of legal immigrants, streamlines deportation procedures, removes procedural legal protections from migrants who lack documents, and raises penalties for people who aid or employ people who lack documents.
Congress restores benefits to some elderly and poor immigrants who had previously received them.
Congress restores further benefits to some immigrants and allows an increased number of skilled foreign workers to enter the US temporarily to work in industries where their skills are scarce.
The Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act (DREAM Act) is introduced in Congress. It is intended to create a pathway to permanent residency and potential citizenship for undocumented people brought into the country as children.
USAPATRIOT Act (Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act) gives Attorney General broad powers to wiretap and harass citizens, detain non-citizens (and even citizens) without charge or recourse to attorneys or courts.
“Homeland” comes into common usage by American officials to refer to the United States, echoing Nazi terminology, in the wake of 9/11 terrorist attacks.
Immigration and Naturalization Service is disbanded and its functions divided up among three new agencies—Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Customs and Border Protection (CBP), and Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS)—all under the new Department of Homeland Security. Emphasis changes from service to enforcement.
New Mexico becomes the first state to issue temporary driver’s licenses to undocumented immigrants. Utah joins in 2005, and Colorado and several other states join in 2013.
Homeland Security Department begins photographing and fingerprinting international visitors, including tourists, at airports, seaports, and selected border crossings.
President Obama creates Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program through executive action. As many as 700,000 young Dreamers receive work permits and are shielded from deportation.
An increase in Central American arrivals at the southern border leads to the creation of immigrant detention centers. Initially set up to house entire families, by 2017 families are being separated and sent to different detention sites.
President Donald Trump issues a travel ban against people from seven Muslim-majority nations.
Temporary Protected Status is terminated for people from several African, Asian, and Latin American countries.
Customs and Border Protection begins separating families.
Justice Department proclaims a “zero tolerance” policy and ramps up family separations. Judges order them to stop. They do not stop.
Trump administration denies asylum to victims of domestic violence and gang violence.
President Trump declares a “national emergency” at the southern border, diverting money from Department of Defense to fund construction of a physical wall on border with Mexico.
Migrant Protection Protocols (“Remain in Mexico”): Asylum seekers who present themselves at US border crossings must stay in Mexico until a court hearing in the United States can be scheduled.
USCIS announces new rules designed to prevent poor immigrants from attaining permanent residency.
Global pandemic forces closing of northern and southern borders. Per advice of the Centers for Disease Control, Title 42 is activated, allowing the Trump administration to expel undocumented immigrants held in detention centers to limit the spread of COVID-19.
President Joe Biden begins to unwind Trump actions on immigration.
Michael LeMay and Elliott Robert Barkan, eds., U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Laws and Issues: A Documentary History (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1999); Reed Ueda, Postwar Immigrant America (Boston: Bedford, 1994): 169-72; Sarah Pierce and Jessica Bolter, Dismantling and Reconstructing the US Immigration System: A Catalog of Changes Under the Trump Presidency (Washington: Migration Policy Institute, 2020); Ancestors in the Americas website: www.cetel.org/docs.html (April 5, 2004; research by UC Berkeley Asian American Studies 121; “Landmarks in Immigration History,” Gilder Lehrman History Online, www.gliah.uh.edu/historyonline/immigration_chron.cfm (May 15, 2002); Michael C. LeMay, From Open Door to Dutch Door: An Analysis of US Immigration Policy Since 1820 (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1987): 17-18;); Wikipedia articles; various government websites.