John Dryden, Prefatory Material to All For Love

Dedication:

To the Right Honourable, Thomas Earl of Danby, Viscount Latimer, and Baron Osborne of Kiveton in York-shire, Lord High Treasurer of England, One of His Majesty’s most honourable Privy Council, and Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, &c.

My LORD,
The gratitude of poets is so troublesome a virtue to great men, that you are often in danger of your own benefits: for you are threaten’d with some epistle, and not suffer’d to do good in quiet, or to compound for their silence whom you have oblig’d. Yet, I confess, I neither am, nor ought to be surpriz’d at this indulgence; for your Lordship has the same right to favour poetry which the Great and Noble have ever had.

Carmen amat, quisquis carmine digna gerit.

There is somewhat of a tie in nature betwixt those who are born for worthy actions, and those who can transmit them to posterity: and though ours be much the inferiour part, it comes at least within the verge of alliance; nor are we unprofitable members of the Commonwealth, when we animate others to those virtues, which we copy and describe from you.

’Tis indeed their interest, who endeavour the subversion of governments, to discourage poets and historians; for the best which can happen to them is to be forgotten: But such, who, under kings, are the fathers of their country, and by a just and prudent ordering of affairs preserve it, have the same reason to cherish the chroniclers of their actions, as they have to lay up in safety the deeds and evidence of their estates: for such records are their undoubted titles to the love and reverence of after-ages. Your Lordship’s administration has already taken up a considerable part of the English Annals; and many of its most happy years are owing to it. His Majesty, the most knowing judge of men, and the best master, has acknowledg’d the ease and benefit he receives in the incomes of his treasury, which you found not only disorder’d, but exhausted. All things were in the confusion of a chaos, without form or method, if not reduc’d beyond it, even to annihilation: so that you had not only to separate the jarring elements, but (if that boldness of expression might be allow’d me) to create them. Your enemies had so embroil’d the management of your office, that they look’d on your advancement as the instrument of your ruine. And as if the clogging of the revenue, and the confusion of accounts, which you found in your entrance, were not sufficient, they added their own weight of malice to the publick calamity, by forestalling the credit which shou’d cure it: Your friends on the other side were only capable of pitying, but not of aiding you: no farther help or counsel was remaining to you, but what was founded on your self; and that indeed was your security: for your diligence, your constancy, and your prudence, wrought more surely within, when they were not disturb’d by any outward motion. The highest virtue is best to be trusted with its self, for assistance only can be given by a genius superiour to that which it assists. And ’tis the noblest kind of debt, when we are only oblig’d to God and Nature. This then, My Lord, is your just commendation, that you have wrought out your self a way to glory, by those very means that were design’d for your destruction: you have not only restor’d, but advanc’d the revenues of your master without grievance to the subject: and as if that were little yet, the debts of the Exchequer, which lay heaviest both on the Crown, and on private persons, have by your conduct been establish’d in a certainty of satisfaction. An action so much the more great and honourable, because the case was without the ordinary relief of laws; above the hopes of the afflicted, and beyond the narrowness of the treasury to redress, had it been manag’d by a less able hand. ’Tis certainly the happiest, and most unenvy’d part of all your fortune, to do good to many, while you do injury to none: to receive at once the prayers of the subject, and the praises of the prince: and by the care of your conduct; to give him means of exerting the chiefest, (if any be the chiefest) of his royal virtues: his distributive justice to the deserving, and his bounty and compassion to the wanting. The disposition of princes towards their people, cannot better be discover’d than in the choice of their ministers; who, like the animal spirits betwixt the soul and body, participate somewhat of both natures, and make the communication which is betwixt them. A king, who is just and moderate in his nature, who rules according to the laws, whom God made happy by forming the temper of his soul to the constitution of his government, and who makes us happy, by assuming over us no other sovereignty than that wherein our welfare and liberty consists; a prince, I say, of so excellent a character, and so suitable to the wishes of all good men, could not better have convey’d himself into his people’s apprehensions, than in your Lordship’s person; who so lively express the same virtues, that you seem not so much a copy, as an emanation of him. Moderation is doubtless an establishment of greatness; but there is a steadiness of temper which is likewise requisite in a minister of state: so equal a mixture of both virtues, that he may stand like an isthmus betwixt the two encroaching seas of arbitrary power, and lawless anarchy. The undertaking would be difficult to any but an extraordinary genius, to stand at the line, and to divide the limits; to pay what is due to the great representative of the Nation, and neither to enhance, nor to yield up the undoubted prerogatives of the Crown. These, My Lord, are the proper virtues of a noble Englishman, as indeed they are properly English virtues: no people in the World being capable of using them, but we who have the happiness to be born under so equal, and so well-pois’d a government. A government which has all the advantages of liberty beyond a commonwealth, and all the marks of kingly sovereignty without the danger of a tyranny. Both my nature, as I am an Englishman, and my reason, as I am a man, have bred in me a loathing to that specious name of a Republick; that mock-appearance of a liberty, where all who have not part in the government, are slaves; and slaves they are of a viler note than such as are subjects to an absolute dominion. For no Christian monarchy is so absolute, but ’tis circumscrib’d with laws: but when the executive power is in the law-makers, there is no farther check upon them; and the People must suffer without a remedy, because they are oppress’d by their representatives. If I must serve, the number of my masters, who were born my equals, would but add to the ignominy of my bondage. The nature of our government above all others, is exactly suited both to the situation of our country, and the temper of the natives: an island being more proper for commerce and for defence, than for extending its dominions on the continent: for what the valour of its inhabitants might gain, by reason of its remoteness, and the casualties of the seas, it cou’d not so easily preserve: and therefore, neither the arbitrary power of one in a monarchy, nor of many in a commonwealth, could make us greater than we are. ’ Tis true, that vaster and more frequent taxes might be gather’d, when the consent of the People was not ask’d or needed; but this were only by conquering abroad to be poor at home: And the examples of our neighbours teach us, that they are not always the happiest subjects whose kings extend their dominions farthest. Since therefore we cannot win by an offensive war, at least a land-war, the model of our government seems naturally contriv’d for the defensive part: and the consent of a people is easily obtain’d to contribute to that power which must protect it. Felices nimium bona si sua nôrint, Angligenae! And yet there are not wanting malecontents amongst us, who surfeiting themselves on too much happiness, wou’d persuade the People that they might be happier by a change. ’Twas indeed the policy of their old forefather, when himself was fallen from the station of glory, to seduce mankind into the same rebellion with him, by telling him he might yet be freer than he was: that is, more free than his nature wou’d allow, or (if I may so say) than God cou’d make him. We have already all the liberty which free-born subjects can enjoy; and all beyond it is but license. But if it be liberty of conscience which they pretend, the moderation of our Church is such, that its practice extends not to the severity of persecution, and its discipline is withal so easie, that it allows more freedom to Dissenters than any of the sects wou’d allow to it. In the mean time, what right can be pretended by these men to attempt innovations in church or state? Who made them the trustees, or (to speak a little nearer their own language) the keepers of the liberty of England? If their call be extraordinary, let them convince us by working miracles; for ordinary vocation they can have none to disturb the government under which they were born, and which protects them. He who has often chang’d his party, and always has made his interest the rule of it, gives little evidence of his sincerity for the publick good: ’tis manifest he changes but for himself, and takes the People for tools to work his fortune. Yet the experience of all ages might let him know, that they who trouble the waters first, have seldom the benefit of the fishing: as they who began the late Rebellion, enjoy’d not the fruit of their undertaking, but were crush’d themselves by the usurpation of their own instrument. Neither is it enough for them to answer, that they only intend a reformation of the government, but not the subversion of it: on such pretences all insurrections have been founded; ’tis striking at the root of power, which is obedience. Every remonstrance of private men, has the seed of treason in it; and discourses which are couch’d in ambiguous terms, are therefore the more dangerous, because they do all the mischief of open sedition, yet are safe from the punishment of the laws. These, My Lord, are considerations which I should not pass so lightly over, had I room to manage them as they deserve: for no man can be so inconsiderable in a nation, as not to have a share in the welfare of it; and if he be a true Englishman, he must at the same time be fir’d with indignation, and revenge himself as he can on the disturbers of his country. And to whom could I more fitly apply my self, than to your Lordship, who have not only an inborn, but an hereditary loyalty? The memorable constancy and sufferings of your father, almost to the ruine of his estate for the royal cause, were an earnest of that, which such a parent and such an institution wou’d produce in the person of a son. But so unhappy an occasion of manifesting your own zeal in suffering for his present Majesty, the providence of God, and the prudence of your administration, will, I hope, prevent. That as your father’s fortune waited on the unhappiness of his sovereign, so your own may participate of the better fate which attends his son. The relation which you have by alliance to the noble family of your Lady, serves to confirm to you both this happy augury. For what can deserve a greater place in the English Chronicle, than the loyalty and courage, the actions and death of the General of an army fighting for his prince and country? The honour and gallantry of the Earl of Lindsey, is so illustrious a subject, that ’tis fit to adorn an heroick poem; for he was the proto-martyr of the Cause, and the type of his unfortunate royal master.

Yet, after all, My Lord, if I may speak my thoughts, you are happy rather to us than to your self: for the multiplicity, the cares, and the vexations of your imployment, have betray’d you from your self, and given you up into the possession of the Publick. You are robb’d of your privacy and friends, and scarce any hour of your life you can call your own. Those who envy your fortune, if they wanted not good nature, might more justly pity it; and when they see you watch’d by a crowd of suitors, whose importunity ’tis impossible to avoid, would conclude with reason, that you have lost much more in true content, than you have gain’d by dignity; and that a private gentleman is better attended by a single servant, than your Lordship with so clamorous a train. Pardon me, My Lord, if I speak like a philosopher on this subject; the fortune which makes a man uneasie, cannot make him happy: and a wise man must think himself uneasie, when few of his actions are in his choice.

This last consideration has brought me to another, and a very seasonable one for your relief; which is, that while I pity your want of leisure, I have impertinently detain’d you so long a time. I have put off my own business, which was my dedication, till ’tis so late, that I am now asham’d to begin it: And therefore I will say nothing of the poem, which I present to you, because I know not if you are like to have an hour, which, with a good conscience, you may throw away in perusing it: And for the author, I have only to beg the continuance of your protection to him, who is,

My Lord, your Lordship’s, most obliged, most humble, and most obedient servant,
John Dryden.

PREFACE.

The death of Antony and Cleopatra, is a subject which has been treated by the greatest wits of our Nation, after Shakespeare; and by all so variously, that their example has given me the confidence to try my self in this Bowe of Ulysses amongst the crowd of suitors; and, withal, to take my own measures, in aiming at the mark. I doubt not but the same motive has prevailed with all of us in this attempt; I mean the excellency of the moral: for the chief persons represented, were famous patterns of unlawful love; and their end accordingly was unfortunate. All reasonable men have long since concluded, that the heroe of the poem, ought not to be a character of perfect virtue, for, then, he could not, without injustice, be made unhappy; nor yet altogether wicked, because he could not then be pitied: I have therefore steer’d the middle course; and have drawn the character of Antony as favourably as Plutarch, Appian, and Dion Cassius wou’d give me leave: the like I have observ’d in Cleopatra. That which is wanting to work up the pity to a greater height, was not afforded me by the story: for the crimes of love which they both committed, were not occasioned by any necessity, or fatal ignorance, but were wholly voluntary; since our passions are, or ought to be, within our power. The fabrick of the play is regular enough, as to the inferior parts of it; and the unities of time, place and action, more exactly observ’d, than, perhaps, the English theater requires. Particularly, the action is so much one, that it is the only of the kind without episode, or underplot; every scene in the tragedy conducing to the main design, and every act concluding with a turn of it. The greatest error in the contrivance seems to be in the person of Octavia: For, though I might use the privilege of a poet, to introduce her into Alexandria, yet I had not enough consider’d, that the compassion she mov’d to her self and children, was destructive to that which I reserv’d for Antony and Cleopatra; whose mutual love being founded upon vice, must lessen the favour of the audience to them, when virtue and innocence were oppress’d by it. And, though I justified Antony in some measure, by making Octavia’s departure, to proceed wholly from her self; yet the force of the first machine still remain’d; and the dividing of pity, like the cutting of a river into many channels, abated the strength of the natural stream. But this is an objection which none of my criticks have urg’d against me; and therefore I might have let it pass, if I could have resolv’d to have been partial to my self. The faults my enemies have found, are rather cavils concerning little, and not essential decencies; which a Master of the Ceremonies may decide betwixt us. The French poets, I confess, are strict observers of these punctilio’s: They would not, for example, have suffer’d Cleopatra and Octavia to have met; or if they had met, there must only have pass’d betwixt them some cold civilities, but no eagerness of repartée, for fear of offending against the greatness of their characters, and the modesty of their sex. This objection I foresaw, and at the same time contemn’d: for I judg’d it both natural and probable, that Octavia, proud of her new-gain’d conquest, would search out Cleopatra to triumph over her; and that Cleopatra, thus attack’d, was not of a spirit to shun the encounter: and ’tis not unlikely, that two exasperated rivals should use such satire as I have put into their mouths; for after all, though the one were a Roman, and the other a queen, they were both women. ’Tis true, some actions, though natural, are not fit to be represented; and broad obscenities in words, ought in good-manners to be avoided: expressions therefore are a modest cloathing of our thoughts, as breeches and petticoats are of our bodies. If I have kept my self within the bounds of modesty, all beyond it is but nicety and affectation; which is no more but modesty deprav’d into a vice: they betray themselves who are too quick of apprehension in such cases, and leave all reasonable men to imagine worse of them, than of the poet.

Honest Montaigne goes yet farther: Nous ne sommes que ceremonie; la ceremonie nous emporte, & laissons la substance des choses. Nous nous tenons aux branches, & abandonnons le tronc & le corps. Nous avons appris aux Dames de rougir, oyans seulement nommer ce qu’elles ne craignent aucunement a faire: Nous n’esons appeller a droict nos membres, & ne craignons par de les employer a toute forte de debauche. La ceremonie nous defend d’exprimer par paroles les choses licites & naturelles, & nous l’en croyons; la raison nous defend de n’en faire point d’illicites & mauvaises, & personne ne l’en eroid. My comfort is, that by this opinion my enemies are but sucking criticks, who wou’d fain be nibbling ’ere their teeth are come.

Yet; in this nicety of manners does the excellency of French poetry consist: their heroes are the most civil people breathing; but their good breeding seldom extends to a word of sense: all their wit is in their ceremony; they want the genius which animates our stage; and therefore ’tis but necessary when they cannot please, that they should take care not to offend. But, as the civillest man in the company is commonly the dullest, so these authors, while they are afraid to make you laugh or cry, out of pure good manners, make you sleep. They are so careful not to exasperate a critick, that they never leave him any work; so busie with the broom, and make so clean a riddance, that there is little left either for censure or for praise: for no part of a poem is worth our discommending, where the whole is insipid; as when we have once tasted of pallid wine, we stay not to examine it glass by glass. But while they affect to shine in trifles, they are often careless in essentials. Thus their Hippolitus is so scrupulous in point of decency, that he will rather expose himself to death, than accuse his stepmother to his father; and my criticks I am sure will commend him for it: but we of grosser apprehensions, are apt to think that this excess of generosity, is not practicable but with fools and madmen. This was good manners with a vengeance; and the audience is like to be much concern’d at the misfortunes of this admirable heroe: but take Hippolitus out of his poetick fit, and I suppose he would think it a wiser part, to set the saddle on the right horse, and choose rather to live with the reputation of a plain-spoken honest man, than to die with the infamy of an incestuous villain. In the mean time we may take notice, that where the poet ought to have preserv’d the character as it was deliver’d to us by antiquity, when he should have given us the picture of a rough young man, of the Amazonian strain, a jolly huntsman, and both by his profession and his early rising a mortal enemy to love, he has chosen to give him the turn of gallantry, sent him to travel from Athens to Paris, taught him to make love and transform’d the Hippolytus of Euripides into Monsieur Hippolite. I should not have troubled my self thus far with French poets, but that I find our Chedreux criticks wholly form their judgments by them. But for my part, I desire to be try’d by the laws of my own country, for it seems unjust to me, that the French should prescribe here, till they have conquer’d. Our little sonnettiers who follow them, have too narrow souls to judge of poetry. Poets themselves are the most proper, though I conclude not the only criticks. But till some genius as universal, as Aristotle, shall arise, who can penetrate into all arts and sciences, without the practice of them, I shall think it reasonable, that the judgment of an artificer in his own art should be preferable to the opinion of another man; at least where he is not brib’d by interest, or prejudic’d by malice: and this, I suppose, is manifest by plain induction: for, first, the crowd cannot be presum’d to have more than a gross instinct, of what pleases or displeases them: every man will grant me this; but then, by a particular kindness to himself, he draws his own stake first, and will be distinguish’d from the multitude, of which other men may think him one. But, if I come closer to those who are allow’d for witty men, either by the advantage of their quality, or by common fame, and affirm that neither are they qualified to decide sovereignly, concerning poetry, I shall yet have a strong party of my opinion; for most of them severally will exclude the rest, either from the number of witty men, or at least of able judges. But here again they are all indulgent to themselves: and every one who believes himself a wit, that is, every man, will pretend at the same time to a right of judging. But to press it yet farther, there are many witty men, but few poets, neither have all poets a taste of tragedy. And this is the rock on which they are daily splitting. Poetry, which is a picture of nature, must generally please: but ’tis not to be understood that all parts of it must please every man; therefore is not tragedy to be judg’d by a witty man, whose taste is only confin’d to comedy. Nor is every man who loves tragedy a sufficient judge of it: he must understand the excellencies of it too, or he will only prove a blind admirer, not a critick. From hence it comes that so many satires on poets, and censures of their writings, fly abroad. Men of pleasant conversation, (at least esteem’d so) and indu’d with a trifling kind of fancy, perhaps help’d out with some smattering of Latin, are ambitious to distinguish themselves from the herd of gentlemen, by their poetry:

Rarus enim fermè sensus communis in illâ
Fortunâ.

And is not this a wretched affectation, not to be contented with what fortune has done for them, and sit down quietly with their estates, but they must call their wits in question, and needlessly expose their nakedness to publick view? Not considering that they are not to expect the same approbation from sober men, which they have found from their flatterers after the third bottle? If a little glittering in discourse has pass’d them on us for witty men, where was the necessity of undeceiving the World? Would a man who has an ill title to an estate, but yet is in possession of it, would he bring it of his own accord, to be try’d at Westminster? We who write, if we want the talent, yet have the excuse that we do it for a poor subsistence; but what can be urg’d in their defence, who not having the vocation of poverty to scribble out of mere wantonness, take pains to make themselves ridiculous? Horace was certainly in the right, where he said, that no man is satisfied with his own condition. A poet is not pleas’d because he is not rich; and the rich are discontented, because the poets will not admit them of their number. Thus the case is hard with writers: if they succeed not, they must starve; and if they do, some malicious satire is prepar’d to level them for daring to please without their leave. But while they are so eager to destroy the fame of others, their ambition is manifest in their concernment: some poem of their own is to be produc’d, and the slaves are to be laid flat with their faces on the ground, that the Monarch may appear in the greater majesty.

Dionysius and Nero had the same longings, but with all their power they cou’d never bring their business well about. ’Tis true, they proclaim’d themselves poets by sound of trumpet; and poets they were upon pain of death to any man who durst call them otherwise. The audience had a fine time on’t, you may imagine; they sate in a bodily fear, and look’d as demurely as they could: for ’twas a hanging matter to laugh unseasonably; and the tyrants were suspicious, as they had reason, that their subjects had ’em in the wind; so, every man in his own defence set as good a face upon the business as he could: ’twas known before-hand that the Monarchs were to be crown’d Laureats; but when the show was over, and an honest man was suffer’d to depart quietly, he took out his laughter which he had stifled; with a firm resolution never more to see an emperor’s play, though he had been ten years a making it. In the mean time, the true poets were they who made the best markets, for they had wit enough to yield the prize with a good grace, and not contend with him who had thirty legions: they were sure to be rewarded if they confess’d themselves bad writers, and that was somewhat better than to be martyrs for their reputation. Lucan’s example was enough to teach them manners; and after he was put to death, for overcoming Nero, the Emperor carried it without dispute for the best poet in his dominions: no man was ambitious of that grinning honour; for if he heard the malicious trumpeter proclaiming his name before his betters, he knew there was but one way with him. Mecoenas took another course, and we know he was more than a great man, for he was witty too: but finding himself far gone in poetry, which Seneca assures us was not his talent, he thought it his best way to be well with Virgil and with Horace; that at least he might be a poet at the second hand; and we see how happily it has succeeded with him; for his own bad poetry is forgotten, and their panegyricks of him still remain. But they who should be our patrons, are for no such expensive ways to fame: they have much of the poetry of Mecoenas, but little of his liberality. They are for persecuting Horace and Virgil, in the persons of their successours, (for such is every man, who has any part of their soul and fire, though in a less degree.) Some of their little Zanies yet go farther; for they are persecutors even of Horace himself, as far as they are able, by their ignorant and vile imitations of him; by making an unjust use of his authority, and turning his artillery against his friends. But how would he disdain to be copyed by such hands! I dare answer for him, he would be more uneasie in their company, than he was with Crispinus their forefather in the Holy Way; and would no more have allow’d them a place amongst the criticks, than he would Demetrius the mimic, and Tigellius the buffoon:

—Demetri, teq; Tigelli,
Discipulorum inter jubeo plorare cathedras.

With what scorn would he look down on such miserable translators, who make doggrel of his Latin, mistake his meaning, misapply his censures, and often contradict their own? He is fix’d as a land-mark to set out the bounds of poetry,

—Saxum, antiquum ingens
Limes agro positus litem ut discerneret arvis:

But other arms than theirs, and other sinews are requir’d, to raise the weight of such an author; and when they would toss him against their enemies,

Genua labant, gelidus concrevit frigore sanguis,
Tum lapis ipse, viri vacuum per inane volutus
Nec spatium evasit totum, nec pertulit ictum.

For my part, I would wish no other revenge, either for my self or the rest of the poets, from this rhyming judge of the twelve-penny gallery, this legitimate son of Sternhold, than that he would subscribe his name to his censure, or (not to tax him beyond his learning) set his mark: for shou’d he own himself publickly, and come from behind the lyon’s skin, they whom he condemns wou’d be thankful to him, they whom he praises wou’d choose to be condemned; and the magistrates whom he has elected, wou’d modestly withdraw from their employment, to avoid the scandal of his nomination. The sharpness of his satire, next to himself, falls most heavily on his friends, and they ought never to forgive him for commending them perpetually the wrong way, and sometimes by contraries. If he have a friend whose hastiness in writing is his greatest fault, Horace wou’d have taught him to have minc’d the matter, and to have call’d it readiness of thought, and a flowing fancy; for friendship will allow a man to christen an imperfection by the name of some neighbour virtue:

Vellem in amicitiâ sic erraremus; & isti
Errori, nomen virtus possuisset honestum.

But he would never have allow’d him to have call’d a slow man hasty, or a hasty writer a slow drudge, as Juvenal explains it:

—Canibus pigris, scabieq; vetustâ
Levibus, & siccae lambentibus or a lucernae
Nomen erit, Pardus, Tygris, Leo; si quid adhuc est,
Quod fremit in terris violentius.

Yet Lucretius laughs at a foolish lover, even for excusing the imperfections of his mistress:

Nigra μελιχρος est, immunda & foetida ζχομθ.
Balba loqui non quit, τραυλιζω; muta pudens est, &c.

But to drive it, ad Aethiopem Cygnum is not to be indur’d. I leave him to interpret this by the benefit of his French version on the other side, and without farther considering him, than I have the rest of my illiterate censors, whom I have disdain’d to answer, because they are not qualified for judges. It remains that I acquaint the reader, that I have endeavoured in this play to follow the practice of the ancients, who, as Mr. Rymer has judiciously observ’d, are and ought to be our masters. Horace likewise gives it for a rule in his Art of Poetry,

—Vos exemplaria Graeca
Nocturnâ versate manu, versate diurnâ.

Yet, though their models are regular, they are too little for English tragedy; which requires to be built in a larger compass. I could give an instance in the Oedipus Tyrannus, which was the master-piece of Sophocles; but I reserve it for a more fit occasion, which I hope to have hereafter. In my stile I have profess’d to imitate the divine Shakespeare; which that I might perform more freely, I have disincumber’d my self from rhyme. Not that I condemn my former way, but that this is more proper to my present purpose. I hope I need not to explain my self, that I have not copy’d my author servilely: words and phrases must of necessity receive a change in succeeding ages: but ’tis almost a miracle that much of his language remains so pure; and that he who began dramatick poetry amongst us, untaught by any, and, as Ben. Johnson tells us, without learning, should by the force of his own genius perform so much, that in a manner he has left no praise for any who come after him. The occasion is fair, and the subject would be pleasant to handle the difference of stiles betwixt him and Fletcher, and wherein, and how far they are both to be imitated. But since I must not be over-confident of my own performance after him, it will be prudence in me to be silent. Yet I hope I may affirm, and without vanity, that by imitating him, I have excell’d my self throughout the play; and particularly, that I prefer the scene betwixt Antony and Ventidius in the first act, to any thing which I have written in this kind.